Lecture 2 builds the measurement toolkit: surveys provide direct stated beliefs, market prices provide real-time revealed beliefs, and high-frequency changes identify how communication updates those beliefs.
Lecture 3 turns policy announcements into empirical shocks: identify the surprise, separate rate-path news from communication news, then estimate how markets respond.
Measurement, not programming: turning language and attention into macro-finance variables.
The lecture moves from arbitrage logic to equilibrium risk: when parity fails, the question is whether the gap is a friction, a premium, or a puzzle.
The lecture asks when capital controls are stabilising macroprudential tools, when they export costs to others, and when retaliation turns domestic policy into an international game.
Presentations and the final exam are the two assessed components of the course: 25% presentation and 75% final exam.
The July 2012 intervention operated through $\boldsymbol{SP_t}$, not $\boldsymbol{E_t[i_{t+j}]}$: it collapsed the market-implied probability of euro break-up. Routine forward guidance, by contrast, works through $\boldsymbol{E_t[i_{t+j}]}$. Communication is a regular instrument of monetary policy — not a collection of famous speeches.
A bank can be highly transparent — many documents published on time — and still communicate poorly: the reaction function may be unclear and messages may be inconsistent. Transparency is necessary for modern communication; it is not sufficient.
Six channels, one regime. Each is a way the audience can read the bank's stance, outlook, reaction function, or risk view.
Federal Reserve communication is a layered system: meeting-day signals (statement, press conference, dot plot), delayed scheduled releases (minutes), continuous discretionary streams (speeches, testimony, interviews, research), and long-lag archival material (transcripts, +5 years).
Communication does not have one purpose. It is the joint instrument by which the regime delivers transmission, anchoring, predictability, accountability, and credibility.
A central bank does not address a representative listener. Identical language can be decisive for markets and invisible to households; one objective may demand a different audience-and-channel mix from the next. Consistency across channels is itself a problem to be solved.
Within a known distribution, the width signals dispersion and the tilt signals the balance of risks — fan charts trace both. When the distribution itself is in dispute, only scenarios and explicit language can convey what the baseline may miss.
Draghi's intervention did not move $E_t[Y_{t+h}]$ much; it collapsed $P(Y_{t+h}<\bar{Y}^{\text{bad}})$ — the perceived probability of catastrophic euro-area outcomes. Communication can act on any moment of the forecast distribution, not only on the centre.
The choice of expectation rule determines what the slack coefficient $\boldsymbol{\alpha}$ identifies, what the residual $\boldsymbol{u_t}$ contains, and whether announcing a change in policy can move inflation without changing $\boldsymbol{y_t}$.
Static expectations are not a claim that agents are sophisticated; the opposite. Expected inflation is treated as given, so policy works through current demand — not through changing beliefs about future inflation.
Disinflation becomes harder the longer inflation has been elevated: yesterday's inflation feeds directly into today's beliefs, and policy must work against that inheritance — not just against current demand.
The persistence comes from the expectation-formation rule itself, not from sticky prices, contracts, or supply shocks. Change the rule and the dynamics change.
Rational expectations do not say that agents are always right — they say that agents are not predictably wrong. The discipline is on the structure of errors, not on the contents of beliefs.
Under rational expectations, credibility and communication are more central, not less. The bank does not have to fool the public — but it does have to be understood and believed.
A credible regime change, understood and believed, can shift current inflation dynamics immediately. Under rational expectations, credible communication is part of the transmission mechanism — not a sideshow.
$\boldsymbol{\chi}$ is the credibility weight. It is not a parameter the modeller chooses; it is an institutional outcome of the regime, and it is the object that central bank communication is meant to raise.
Under $\chi = 0$ the previous period's inflation is the next period's expectation. With $x_t = 0$, the original deviation $\bar{\varepsilon}$ is written into the next round of wage- and price-setting, and into the round after that. Returning inflation to target requires the central bank to engineer a negative output gap. The sacrifice ratio that follows is the subject of the closing slide.
The credibility of the target absorbs the shock. The episode is a price-level event, not an inflation regime.
Half-credibility halves the deviation each period. The output cost is real but bounded; the path is short.
The 1970s episode in stylised form. The Phillips curve does not return on its own; it is dragged back by a sustained contraction.
The new lesson is a policy decomposition: rate policy moves $\boldsymbol{x_1}$, but communication and credibility move $\boldsymbol{\chi}$. A higher $\chi$ lowers the sacrifice ratio before the central bank creates unemployment.
Forward guidance is the explicit application of the expectations channel built up in the previous sections. The Draghi episode worked partly through the path component, alongside the sovereign-specific premium $SP_t$ that decomposed the same equation in Lecture 1.
Form and meaning are separate. A date or threshold can be read as a forecast, a commitment, or both; the market response depends on which interpretation is credible.
Independence is not freedom from democracy. It is operational insulation inside a democratically assigned mandate, paired with explanation, transparency, and evaluation.
The empirical claim is not that central banks should be unaccountable. It is that credible instrument independence works when it is paired with visible, enforceable accountability.
Communication is not adjacent to monetary policy. It is part of the transmission mechanism, and the loop closes through credibility.
Two short clips, two ways of seeing the same point. Independence is a practical condition, observable in how a central bank conducts itself under pressure, and reflected in the credibility premium it earns or loses.
Venezuela's central bank is bracing itself for a hostile takeover bid by an unlikely suitor: the government of President Hugo Chávez.
Legislators loyal to Mr Chávez are close to approving a law that will allow the government to withdraw and spend at least $5bn (€4.2bn, £2.9bn) of the bank's international reserves, which currently stand at $29bn.
For more than a year, Mr Chávez has insisted that the level of reserves accumulated by the world's fifth-largest oil exporter is too high, and that the money would be better used for social programmes. Among Latin American economies, Venezuela has the highest level of reserves as measured by equivalent weeks' worth of imports.
The central bank, says Mr Chávez, should belong to "the people", and it must come under full control of his radical nationalistic "Bolivarian revolution".
Government-aligned deputies, who maintain a narrow but effective majority in the National Assembly, began the final debate on the law on Thursday and they predict its passage next week. But the move is leaving some economists aghast at what they see as the demise of the bank's role as guardian of the bolívar, Venezuela's national currency. The bank has tried to resist the law.
Jose Guerra, economic research chief at the bank until earlier this year, says the measure will undermine the value of the currency, as some of the dollars will be converted twice into bolívars. The move also in effect opens the door to enabling Mr Chávez to finance Venezuela's chronic fiscal deficit with part of the reserves, he added.
"The big loser in all of this will be the credibility and the reputation of the central bank as an institution," said Mr Guerra. "Who's to say that after the first $5bn is withdrawn there won't be another $5bn that's taken out?"
Venezuela's international reserves are invested in a mixture of US Treasuries, Euro-denominated bonds, cash and gold. Critics say other state entities, such as state oil company Petroleos de Venezuela and Bandes, a state development bank, have about $10bn in overseas accounts, and the government should use some of that money instead of the bank's international reserves.
Gaston Parra, the central bank's president, may resign if the law is passed, sources at the bank say, because of the perceived "illegality" of the government-proposed legislation. The central bank could challenge the constitutionality of the law in Venezuela's supreme court. But analysts see the court as controlled by the government.
Economists predict that the expenditure of part of the reserves will stoke inflationary pressures, although the impact may be limited in the medium-term because of the existence of price and exchange controls.
"Investors are more concerned with the signal that is sent by the measure, especially given what they see as potential for the seized funds to be used in a non-transparent fashion," said Vitali Meschoulam, emerging markets strategist at HSBC Securities in New York. "There is a concern that these funds will not be used for productive investments but rather to finance current spending, increasing the risk that inflation may get out of hand."
Fewer international reserves may harm Venezuela's ability to service its foreign debt if oil prices decline. Under the draft law, some of the reserves are earmarked for vaguely-worded "strategic situations".
Mr Chávez, who has been in power for more than six years, faces presidential elections at the end of next year.
The institutional question is not whether the doctrine is correct — it is whether a central bank can be made to act on it.
Reputation is a stock, depleted in months and rebuilt in years. The constraint that produces credibility has not yet been put back.
Hawk and dove are not adjectives. They describe a position on the inflation-aversion weight in the policymaker's loss function, recovered by markets from speeches, statements, and votes. The next two slides give that weight a name.
Markets do not observe $\beta$ directly. Practitioner hawk/dove indices and academic text-as-data work on speeches and votes are formally exercises in recovering the cross-section of $\beta$ inside a committee. The next slide turns $\beta$ into a slope.
In everyday usage, hawk and dove refer to differences in $\beta$ across policymakers, holding $\alpha$ approximately constant. The slope of MR is what markets are trying to recover from communication.
Same shock, same Phillips-curve shift, two MR slopes, two outcomes. The dovish bank ends up at $B$; the hawkish bank at $C$. The closed-form ratios are on the next slide.
The hawk-vs-dove choice is a position on the ratio $\alpha\beta/(1+\alpha^{2}\beta)$; which value of $\beta$ is welfare-maximising depends on the state of expectations and on how transitory the shock is.
Hawk and dove are conditional on the regime: within a credible regime, the welfare gap between moderate hawks and moderate doves is small.